POLÉMICA | 11/30/2010 12:00:00 AM
Colombia es centro de inestabilidad en la región, se lee en cable divulgado por Wikileaks
Uno de los cables de Wikileaks revela una conversación entre una funcionaria de EE.UU. y el ministro de defensa Brasileño. En ella aseguran que un tercer mandato de Uribe sería un "precedente terrible para los gobiernos bolivarianos".
Según el documento, enviado el 11 de diciembre del 2009 desde la embajada de Estados Unidos en Brasilia, Jobim “prácticamente reconoce la presencia de las Farc en Venezuela”, sin embargo, afirma que aceptar públicamente su presencia en el país vecino “arruinaría las posibilidades de Brasil para mediar en futuros procesos de diálogo”.
Jobim ofreció sugerencias para fortalecer la confianza entre Ecuador y Colombia a lo largo de la frontera, habló de un posible acuerdo de vigilancia fronteriza para combatir el flujo de drogas entre Colombia y Brasil y expresó su preocupación por el acuerdo que permite a militares estadounidenses usar siete bases colombianas.
Dijo que era consciente de la finalidad del acuerdo, pero que una nota acerca del presupuesto de la Fuerza Aérea de Estados Unidos a través de Internet que habló de "países hostiles en la zona" habían complicado las cosas. Jobim aseguró que el documento mostraba "una total falta de comprensión" de América Latina.
Según el cable, Jobim creía que los roces "incendiarios" entre los presidentes Álvaro Uribe y Hugo Chávez obedecían a temas de popularidad electoral y aseguró que un potencial tercer mandato de Uribe sería un "precedente terrible" para los gobiernos bolivarianos de la región.
El ministro de Defensa brasileño expresó su apoyo para seguir adelante con la cooperación de seguridad entre Estados Unidos y Brasil y sobre los acuerdos de cooperación para la defensa y la seguridad de la información.
En la extensa conversación, Jobim tildó a Colombia de ser el "centro de inestabilidad potencial en la región" y señaló que los presidentes Uribe y Chávez, con sus declaraciones, han contribuido a la polarización en la región.
Finalmente, el cable muestra un comentario de la funcionaria estadounidense diciendo que una vez más se pone de manifiesto el deseo de Brasil de ser constructor de paz del continente y que pese a ser considerada Colombia como la principal fuente de tensiones, hay esfuerzos por mantener la paz.
En otra reunión, el 9 de noviembre de 2009, según los documentos revelados por Wikileaks, el ministro de defensa brasileño expresó la preocupación de su gobierno por posibles acciones terroristas de cara al Mundial de Fútbol 2014 y a los Juegos Olímpicos en 2016 por grupos extremistas como ETA, Al Qaeda , Hezbolá y las Farc.
Según el cable, preocupa al gobierno brasileño y a Estados Unidos la seguridad en las fronteras, por lo que se habla de estrategias para redoblar la vigilancia para atacar el tráfico de drogas y la permanencia de grupos armados ilegales.
La funcionaria de la embajada estadounidense comenta que “aunque Brasil no tiene ninguna lista oficial de grupos terroristas y no reconoce a las Farc como tal, el presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva ha criticado la violencia de ese grupo armado y ha pedido públicamente desistir en la lucha contra el gobierno colombiano”.
En el mismo documento se critica a Bolivia su “incapacidad para fortalecer la lucha contra el terrorismo” y expresa que urge medidas conjuntas entre la región para combatir las acciones violentas.
Estos son los textos originales divulgados por Wikileaks:
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 BRASILIA 001315
STATE FOR WHA, PM AND T
E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/11/2019
TAGS: PREL ETTC MASS BR
SUBJECT: CHARGE DISCUSSES SECURITY COOPERATION, FIGHTER SALE AND COLOMBIA WITH MOD JOBIM
REF: A. IIR 6 809 0087 10 B. IIR 6 809 0084 10 C. IIR 6 809 0079 10 Classified By: Charge d'Affaires, a.i. Lisa Kubiske. Reason: 1.4(d)
1. (C) SUMMARY. In a November 9 meeting, Charge Kubiske and Minister of Defense Nelson Jobim discussed next steps in the United States-Brazil bilateral security relationship, the potential sale of U.S.-origin fighter aircraft and regional security. Jobim showed strong interest in furthering security cooperation by signing the Defense Cooperation as soon as possible and completing an information security agreement. Jobim told Charge that there would not be any decision on fighters until sometime after his return from international travel on November 23 and said that capability, technology transfer, benefit to Brazil's industrial capacity and price would be the criteria for decision. He offered no signs of encouragement that the U.S. bid would be chosen.
2. (C) Speaking of regional security issues, Jobim all but acknowledged presence of the FARC in Venezuela, offered a suggestion for building Colombia-Ecuador confidence along their border, and a possible border-monitoring arrangement for combating the drug flow between Colombia and Brazil. Jobim indicated concern about the contents of an USAF budget document which linked U.S. military access to bases in Colombia with "unfriendly governments" as evidence of a lack of understanding of Latin America. He believed that recent inflammatory statements from Presidents Uribe and Chavez are aimed at domestic constituencies on the eve of upcoming elections, and called a potential Uribe run for a third term a terrible precedent for Bolivarian governments in the region. Presidential Foreign Policy Advisor Marco Aurelio Garcia's public offer, only two days later, to monitor border activities as a way to reduce tensions between Colombia and Venezuela shows Jobim's influence. Despite the GOB's tendency to blame Colombia for current tensions, its efforts to maintain peace are sincere and should be encouraged. END SUMMARY.
Structuring the U.S.-Brazil Security Relationship
3. (C) Brazilian Defense Minister Jobim expressed support for moving forward with U.S.-Brazil security cooperation, first by signing the Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA), then moving on to other arrangements, including a information security agreement (GSOMIA). Jobim said he would see SecDef Gates at the International Security Forum, November 20 in Halifax and could sign the DCA there, if it were ready. If not, Jobim would like to sign before the December 10-11 Bilateral Working Group. Jobim also favored moving forward with an information security agreement, saying he would be discussing the issue with the Ministry for External Relations (MRE). (Note: Polmiloff discussed the information sharing agreement with MRE pol-mil advisor Marcos Pinta Gama last week. Pinta Gama was interested in moving forward as well and planned to consult with the MOD. End note.)
FX-2 Fighter Competition
4. (C) Asked about the Fx-2 competition, Minister Jobim repeated previous statements that the FX2 fighter competition would be based on capability, technology transfer, benefit to Brazil's industrial capacity and price. Technology transfer will be evaluated in terms of how it will contribute to Brazil's future industrial capacity. The Charge reiterated and deepened advocacy points in each of these areas, calling a decision to select the U.S. bid an accelerator for an already growing U.S.-Brazil military and commercial relationship. Jobim informed the Charge that he and President Lula will review the Brazilian Air Force,s technical analysis of the three competing bids after he returns from international travel November 23. Jobim will then make a recommendation to President Lula. Lula, in turn, will make a decision and inform the National Defense Council, for its concurrence. BRASILIA 00001315 002 OF 002
The U.S.-Colombia DCA and Regional Implications
5. (C) Jobim said he was aware of the purpose of the Agreement giving the United States access to Colombian bases, but the availability of an Air Force budget memo over the internet, which cited "unfriendly countries" in the area had complicated matters. He said the document showed "a complete lack of understanding" of Latin America and said he had had to discuss the issue with the President to urge "moderation" from Lula.
6. (C) Jobim then went into a lengthy discussion of security in the Andean region, including Colombia-Brazil, Colombia-Venezuela and Colombia-Ecuador dimensions with Colombia at the center of the region's potential instability. He noted that both Presidents Uribe and Chavez have been making statements aimed at domestic constituencies that have contributed to tensions between them. Jobim also was critical of Uribe seeking a third term, a move which he thought set a bad precedent for the "Bolivarists." Jobim stressed Brazil's "moderate approach" and willingness to build confidence, in particular by providing aerial surveillance of border regions and by sponsoring exchanges of information on military movements in border areas. Asked about the presence of the FARC in Venezuela, Jobim said that, were he to acknowledge its presence there "it would ruin Brazil,s ability to mediate."
7. (C) COMMENT. Minister Jobim was eager to discuss security agreements and animated about the regional issues, but was clearly not comfortable talking about the FX-2 competition. While he has been prominent in the press in recent days saying that "past problems" with USG "tech transfer" (in reality export licensing) cases undermined confidence in USG assurances about the Super Hornet sale, he did not raise this concern with Charge and avoided the opportunity to discuss any lingering concerns he might have. In discussing the eventual FX-2 decision, he tried to downplay the importance of price but instead highlighted contributions to Brazilian industrial capacity. Given that the Boeing offer would integrate Brazilian companies with Boeing,s global business and thus offers excellent potential for long-term economic gain, this should be good news, and we pointed that out. However, President Lula may choose a different means of evaluation. Brazil's 2008 Defense Strategy requires that purchase of foreign made aircraft be made only if such purchase will lead to indigenous production of more advanced aircraft. Should the political goal that Brazil should someday export fighters to its neighbors -- even if market conditions make this possibility remote -- trump Brazilian Air Force analysis of the aircraft and real economic possibilities, Lula and Jobim will most likely favor the French or Swedish offers, both of which highlight the possibility of export production.
8. (C) COMMENT CONTINUED. Within two days of the Charge's discussion with Jobim, Presidential Advisor Marco Aurelio Garcia went public with Brazil's willingness to help ease Colombia-Venezuela tensions through border monitoring, including aerial surveillance. This announcement shows Jobim's closeness to Lula on security issues and once again highlights Brazil's desire to be the continent's peacemaker. Although the GOB,s continued questioning of the intent of the U.S.-Colombia DCA and insistence on painting Uribe as the primary source of Andean tensions may limit the GOB,s effectiveness, we believe the GOB genuinely seeks to reduce tensions, and we should encourage these efforts. KUBISKE
UNCLAS BRASILIA 001540
SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PTER PREL PGOV BR
SUBJECT: BRAZIL: 2009 COUNTRY REPORT ON TERRORISM
1. (U) The Brazilian government continues to cooperate in countering terrorism and related activities that could contribute to the facilitation of attacks in the region or elsewhere-to include investigating potential terrorism financing, document forgery networks, and other illicit activity. Operationally, elements of the Brazilian government responsible for combating terrorism, such as the Federal Police, Customs, and the Brazilian Intelligence Agency, work effectively with their U.S. counterparts most of the time and pursue investigative leads provided by U.S. and other intelligence services, law enforcement, and financial agencies regarding terrorist suspects.
2. (SBU)There are two separate discourses in the government of Brazil on counterterrorism; politically, Brazil continues to deny the presence and potential threat of terrorists and terrorism in Brazil, while law enforcement and intelligence monitor and cooperate to counter the threat. The head of the Brazilian Federal Police (DPF) intelligence division in July went on record during a Brazilian Chamber of Deputies hearing on terrorism and admitted that an individual arrested in April was in fact linked to al Qaeda (AQ). Despite the statement, most GOB officials continue to toe the party line and deny any evidence that terrorists have, or would be, interested in establishing a presence in Brazil.
3. (SBU) Brazil's intelligence and law enforcement services are concerned that terrorists could exploit Brazilian territory to support and facilitate terrorist attacks, whether domestically or abroad, and have focused their efforts in the areas of Sao Paulo, the tri-borders areas of Brazil, Argentina, and Paraguay; Brazil, Peru, and Colombia; and the Colombian and Venezuelan borders. Other branches of the Brazilian government, particularly the Ministry of External Relations, do not believe Brazil is vulnerable to terrorism-related activities and instead focus more heavily on threats from transnational crimes. In October 2009, the MRE did admit, for the first time, that terrorists could become interested in Brazil because of the award of the 2016 Olympics to Rio de Janeiro. Brazilian law enforcement's recognition of the potential threat from terrorism prompted a reform of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) that could raise the profile of the issue by upgrading the counterterrorism division to the department level.
4. (SBU) Brazil's intelligence and law enforcement forces work with regional and international partners. Brazil participates in regional counterterrorism fora, but is less committed to regional groups in which the Unites States is involved. Brazil is actively involved Mercosul's working group on terrorism and the sub-working group on financial issues, the latter of which discusses terrorism financing and money laundering among the Mercosul countries, but has proven difficult to engage in 3+1 mechanism on security in the Tri-Border Area (TBA), where Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay share a border.
5. (U) Bilaterally, the USG provided a variety of training courses throughout Brazil in counterterrorism, combating money laundering, detection of travel document fraud, container security, and international organized crime. In 2009 the USG again hosted a Major Crimes Conference that successfully brought together Brazil and neighboring countries' federal and state law enforcement communities and judges and prosecutors to share best practices and receive practical training.
6. (U) Although Brazil has no official list of terrorist groups and does not recognize the FARC as one, President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has been critical of the FARC's use of violence and has publicly called on the group to desist in the armed struggle against the Colombian government.
7. (U) Brazil is capable of monitoring domestic financial operations and effectively utilizes its financial intelligence unit, the Financial Activities Oversight Council (COAF), to identify possible funding sources for terrorist groups. Through COAF, Brazil has carried out name checks for persons and entities on the UNSCR 1267 and 1373 terror finance lists, but has so far not found any assets, accounts or property in the names of persons or entities on the UN terror-finance lists.
8. (U) Brazil also continues to undertake steps to enhance its capabilities to combat money laundering. Since 2003, fifteen specialized money laundering courts have been established, including two in Sao Paulo, with each court headed by a judge who receives specialized training in national money laundering legislation. In addition, in 2008, the United States and Brazil established a working group with money laundering judges to share best practices and training needs.
9. (U) A 2006 national anti-money laundering strategy goal was formed aimed to build on the success of the specialized courts by creating complementary specialized federal police financial crimes units in the same jurisdictions. In 2008, the federal police established such units in the Federal District (Brasilia) and the states of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. In addition, the Ministry of Justice funded the creation of technology center to combat money laundering in the federal district and Rio de Janeiro, the latter of which received two such centers, one embedded with the Public Ministry and one with the State Civil Police. In 2008, the Ministry signed accords to establish additional centers in Bahia, Goiais, and Rio Grande do Sul.
10. (SBU) The government of Brazil's counterterrorism strategy consists of deterring terrorists from using Brazilian territory to facilitate attacks or raise funds, along with monitoring and suppressing transnational criminal activities that could support terrorist actions. It accomplishes this through actions between its law enforcement entities and through cooperation with the United States and other partners in the region. For example, in 2009 Brazilian authorities began in earnest to work with other concerned nations (particularly the U.S.) in combating the significant and largely unchecked document fraud problem in the country. During the year, multiple regional and international joint operations with U.S. authorities successfully disrupted a number of document vendors and facilitators, as well as related human-trafficking infrastructures. This included one of the largest visa fraud cases of its type in U.S. law enforcement history.
11. (SBU) In 2009, the work on the U.S.-Brazil container security initiative in Santos, Brazil was stalled after U.S. officials traveling to Brazil for the program had difficulties getting Brazilian visas. The container security initiative was created to promote secure containerized cargo to the United States through the establishment of a trade transparency unit to detect money laundering through trade transactions. The Brazilian Ministry of External Relations (MRE) was uncomfortable with the counter-terrorism focus of the program, but has recently agreed to issuing visas in support of the initiative.
12. (U) The Brazilian government is achieving visible results from recent investment in border and law enforcement infrastructure that were executed with a view to gradually control the flow of goods-legal and illegal-through the Tri-Border Area (TBA) of Brazil, Argentina, and Paraguay, the proceeds of which could be diverted to support terror groups. The inspection station at the Friendship Bridge in the TBA that was completed by the Brazilian customs agency (Receita Federal) in 2007 continued to take effective action to reduce the smuggling of drugs, weapons, and contraband goods along the border with Paraguay. According to Receita Federal, from January to July 2009 the agency seized more than USD 400 million in contraband goods, including drugs, weapons, and munitions, an increase of eight percent from 2007. As a result of the effective crackdown on the Friendship Bridge, most smuggling operations now take place through the Parana River and Lago Itaipu and some have migrated to other sections of the border, such as the towns of Guiara and Ponta Pora. The Federal Police has special maritime police units in both Foz de Iguacu and Guaira that patrol the maritime border areas, but because of the scale and complexity of the endeavor to curtail smuggling and trafficking activities through the waterways, Brazil is considering using an unmanned aerial vehicle to assist law enforcement in monitoring the border, a development that could further improve border security.
13. (SBU) Brazil's overall commitment to combating terrorism and illicit activities that could be exploited to facilitate terrorism is undermined by the GOB's failure to strengthen its legal counterterrorism framework significantly. Although terrorist financing is an established predicate offense for money laundering, Brazil lacks legislation criminalizing terrorism or its financing as autonomous offenses. The 2005 National Strategy against Money Laundering (ENCLA) created a working group (composed of representatives of ministries involved in CFT, the judiciary, and the federal prosecutor's office) charged with drafting legislation to criminalize terrorism and its financing. The draft legislation was never forwarded from the executive branch to the Brazilian Congress. A long-delayed anti-money laundering bill is still pending before the Brazilian Congress. The bill would facilitate greater law enforcement access to financial and banking records during investigations, criminalize illicit enrichment, allow administrative freezing of assets, and facilitate prosecutions of money laundering cases by amending the legal definition of money laundering and making it an autonomous offense. KUBISKE 2009-12-31